Archives

  • 2018-07
  • 2018-10
  • 2018-11
  • 2019-04
  • 2019-05
  • 2019-06
  • 2019-07
  • 2019-08
  • 2019-09
  • 2019-10
  • 2019-11
  • 2019-12
  • 2020-01
  • 2020-02
  • 2020-03
  • 2020-04
  • 2020-05
  • 2020-06
  • 2020-07
  • 2020-08
  • 2020-09
  • 2020-10
  • 2020-11
  • 2020-12
  • 2021-01
  • 2021-02
  • 2021-03
  • 2021-04
  • 2021-05
  • 2021-06
  • 2021-07
  • 2021-08
  • 2021-09
  • 2021-10
  • 2021-11
  • 2021-12
  • 2022-01
  • 2022-02
  • 2022-03
  • 2022-04
  • 2022-05
  • 2022-06
  • 2022-07
  • 2022-08
  • 2022-09
  • 2022-10
  • 2022-11
  • 2022-12
  • 2023-01
  • 2023-02
  • 2023-03
  • 2023-04
  • 2023-05
  • 2023-06
  • 2023-08
  • 2023-09
  • 2023-10
  • 2023-11
  • 2023-12
  • 2024-01
  • 2024-02
  • 2024-03
  • In their analysis the investigators did not include common

    2019-04-24

    In their analysis, the investigators did not include cyp450 inducers common causes of CKD in sub-Saharan Africa other than HIV, diabetes, and hypertension—notable omissions were chronic glomerulonephritis and use of herbal or traditional treatments. Also, communicable diseases might contribute substantially to CKD burden in low-income countries. For example, in several resource-poor regions worldwide, tuberculosis—which often causes irreversible renal destruction—is endemic. Community screening programmes in Mongolia and Nepal have shown that more than 40% of people with CKD did not have diabetes or hypertension. Moreover, data from Nepal and Bolivia showed that more than 5% of people younger than 60 years without previous history of diabetes and cyp450 inducers had microalbuminuria or proteinuria. Together, these findings indicate that, in low-income countries, glomerulonephritis and CKD of unknown origin might account for a larger proportion of the total CKD burden. Considering that the prevalence of diabetes and high blood pressure is also progressively increasing in resource-poor countries, it should be assumed that the CKD burden will become even higher in regions such as sub-Saharan Africa than in high-income countries.
    In September, 2011, at the UN high-level meeting on non-communicable diseases (NCDs), the world\'s leaders committed to tackling this emerging global epidemic. The need was urgent, in view of how NCD risk factors are increasing in most low-income and middle-income countries (LMICs). 8 months later, the World Health Assembly set a target of a 25% relative reduction in NCD mortality by 2025. Known as the 25×25 strategy, this goal is now incorporated into WHO\'s Global NCD Action Plan 2013–2020. This Plan lists nine voluntary national targets. Two are overarching: to reduce mortality from NCDs, and to halt the rise in diabetes and obesity. The remaining seven are specific, including reduced alcohol consumption, increased physical activity, reduced dietary salt, reduced smoking, improved blood pressure control, and enhanced treatment of those at risk from the major NCDs. The Plan takes a broad view, acknowledging the social, economic, and political determinants of disease. However, that these statements of intent can be translated into policy is less clear, because of the limited scope for action from within the health services. Indeed, some of the more ambitious calls to action have fallen on deaf ears. We propose that a more comprehensive approach to NCDs is taken (). Margaret Chan, Director General of WHO, argued that “it is not just Big Tobacco anymore. Public health must also contend with Big Food, Big Soda, and Big Alcohol. All of these industries fear regulation, and protect themselves by using the same tactics”. This statement shows a growing recognition of the role of these industries in global health, with trade liberalisation driving combined epidemics of diseases associated with tobacco, alcohol, and fast food in many LMICs. These industries have been compared with the insect vectors of some communicable diseases, continually adapting to exploit emerging ecological niches. This adaptation is most apparent in tobacco control. High-income countries (HICs) have seen substantial reductions in tobacco sales as a result of increased tobacco taxes, restrictions on advertising of tobacco and of smoking in public places, and especially by denormalisation of smoking. However, industry has exploited electronic cigarettes to circumvent advertising restrictions, and to renormalise the appearance of smoking while using flavours such as bubblegum to recruit a new generation of smokers. As tobacco consumption decreased in HICs, the tobacco industry shifted its promotional activities to LMICs, exploiting their weaker regulatory environment. A similar situation applies to the food and alcohol industries. These global industry developments are not matched by similarly globalised preventive measures. Instead, powerful corporate interests have deflected attention to the individual. They promote programmes aimed at changing of individual behaviour, although little evidence shows that these programmes actually work, particularly in LMICs. Measures that have worked have involved direct intervention in the market, such as reductions in smoking prevalence in China and Papua New Guinea associated with price increases, and a substantial decrease in blood cholesterol concentrations in Mauritius achieved by trade agreements that enable a switch from largely palm oil (high in saturated fatty acids) to predominantly soya bean oil for cooking.